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The editors have compiled this critical and comparative study of changes which took place in the New Zealand education system in the second half of the twentieth century. For other Western societies who have felt the impact of New Right policies the New Zealand case is interesting because it provides some indication of how policies of decentralization in education might be used to develop egalitarian and democratic educational policies. In recent years there have been major changes to educational systems in the Western world. Often these changes have been justified by reference to successful educational practices in other countries. However, it is not always possible simply to abstract educational practices from one context and apply them in another successfully. Moreover claims that policies in one country are more successful than those in another have to be treated cautiously: there are always problems in making valid comparisons between the educational performances of different countries. It is important, therefore, that critical and comparative studies are made of educational systems which take full account of the contexts in which they are embedded.

The history of educational policy-making in Aotearoa New Zealand is also a history in myth-making. Myths about Māori in education are deeply embedded in educational and social thought, because they have their origins in the first political interactions between Māori and Pākeha. These interactions were motivated by contradicting forces—Māori determination to participate in the changing economic and technological landscape, contrasted against British perceptions of their own cultural superiority and inherent right to rule indigenous populations. British superiority was enshrined in aggressive and racist laws that disenfranchised and dispossessed Māori of lands, resources, economies, and attempted to de-culturalise Māori. Laws were in turn translated to policy and practice that reinforced deep seeded myths that have negatively positioned Māori socially, politically and educationally. As Aotearoa New Zealand education progresses toward a commitment to teach our dual and difficult histories, it is necessary to also expose and analyse the ways negative positioning of Māori has been purposefully built into our education system. Understanding how political histories have influenced our education system may better equip education professionals to identify and question their own conscious and unconscious biases, and to challenge and change a system that has its origins racist philosophy, reinforced by policy. Education professionals who are able to deconstruct carefully fortified, damaging myth-making about Māori will be well positioned to lead authentic movement toward a shared future.

This article considers the puzzle of the location of tino rangatiratanga in the post-Treaty settlements era in the context of current controversy in New Zealand over recognising Maori self-determination or tino rangatiratanga as guaranteed by Art 2 of the Treaty of Waitangi. On one level, the current political and legal struggles reflect a fundamental tension between Maori aspirations for tino rangatiratanga and the state's desire to maintain centralised sovereignty. At a deeper level, the government opposition to co-governance stems from questions about the evolving role of the Treaty - in particular the guarantee of tino rangatiratanga and its ability to apply to a much wider range of Treaty issues (other than natural resources) and Treaty partners; for example, non-tribal Maori collectives serving urban Maori and not bound like tribes by kinship ties. The Waitangi Tribunal, originally established to facilitate Treaty settlements, is now at the centre of this shift in thinking to expand the interpretation of tino rangatiratanga. In a recent series of reports, the Tribunal has recognised the diversity of Maori identity and the legitimacy of non-tribal collectives as Treaty partners, particularly when these organisations are created by and responsive to the socio-economic needs of Maori. The proliferation of Treaty partners thus raises issues of co-ordination and coherence - how do these many partners engage effectively with the Crown and is every Maori organisation a Treaty partner for the purposes of Art 2 tino rangatiratanga? And does provision of social services by these Treaty partners violate the right to equality?

Norman v Tūpuna Maunga o Tāmaki Makaurau Authority is a judicial review of the Tūpuna Maunga o Tāmaki Makaurau Authority's decision to fell and remove all the exotic (non-native) trees on Ōwairaka/Mt Albert. Whilst the High Court dismissed the review and allowed the operation to proceed, that decision was overturned by the Court ofAppeal because the Maunga Authority failed to consult in accordance with statutory requirements. The Norman litigation has implications and lessons for all co-governance arrangements in Aotearoa New Zealand. This article argues that whilst the relevant Treaty of Waitangi settlement legislation allows for meaningful power-sharing within the Maunga Authority, and the co-governance partners sought to meaningfully share power, the Maunga Authority could have done more to consult and act in good faith. It also contends that tikanga Māori gives rise to a duty to consult and ought to be contemplated by counsel as a basis for a duty to consult in the future.

This article brings perspectives from three Māori activists, each promoting issues of self-determination in different ways. It centres on tino rangatiratanga and mana motuhake, two concepts that inform modern Māori activism and life and practice, and more recently conceptions of Māoridom as “nation”. Using a Gramscian framework we argue that the New Zealand state has over time created a notion of one people within one state, and has in the past incorporated challenges to its legitimacy within a framework of popular consent. The desire by some Māori activists for self-determination promotes a separateness that to some extent challenges this idea of nation–state unity. An examination of these modern Māori activist politics allows us to observe the operations of hegemony as it forms and reforms in modern New Zealand.

Critical policy analysis (CPA) is a technique concerned with how the location of power within the policy system influences social outcomes. CPA shows how and why it is unreasonable to assume that policy making is a politically neutral, objective, and simple technical process. This entry illustrates critical policy analysis through the example of colonial health policy in New Zealand. Institutional racism is often normalised within colonial settings and CPA can respond with a range of tools to privilege Indigenous values and contexts in policy development and implementation. Critical Tiriti Analysis is an emerging CPA method of policy analysis. It emphasises making policy transparently, with substantive Māori (Indigenous peoples of New Zealand) leadership. It is becoming increasingly influential among policy makers in New Zealand with the potential to counter racism as a modifiable determinant of health, for example.

This paper will argue that the Treaty of Waitangi, signed on 6 February 1840 by Māori and the Crown, has a made significant contribution to informing and advancing Māori health practices in Aotearoa New Zealand. A key focus of this paper relates to (re)validating the Treaty to improve Māori health outcomes and providing a strategy for evaluating the current health status of Māori. There is a growing concern among Māori that the health sector continues to perpetuate notions of ?treating? Māori health more so than empowering M?ori to control their own processes for being healthy. Moreover, a major shift constitutionally (that is, self-determining the right to be healthy) as well as institutionally (that is, developing approaches to greater access to health provision) is required to enable Māori to achieve better health outcomes moving forward. Finally, a number of important culturally innovative, responsive and inclusive perspectives are shared to enhance our engagement with the Treaty and Māori health from a socio-cultural perspective.

This collection brings together over forty years of thought and comment by Dr Whatarangi Winiata on Māori spirituality, social development, education and political affairs. Each chapter discusses the importance andimpact of Māori management of Māori matters and the ongoing pursuit of tino rangatiratanga in all areas of life. Dr Winiata has worked to achieve Māori development, wellbeing and attainment of aspirations over decades: driving the iwi development programme Whakatupuranga Rua Mano that led to the foundation of the first contemporary wānanga, Te Wānanga o Raukawa; being key in restructuring the working of Te Hāhi Mihingare; galvanising the New Zealand Māori Council to hold the Crown accountable over fisheries, forestry, languageand broadcasting; and co-founding the Māori Party with Dame Tariana Turia and Sir Pita Sharples. Thesepapers, curated by Dr Winiata and Daphne Luke, provide an analysis of recent Māori experience, pursuit ofself-determination and history of Aotearoa.

This collection brings together over forty years of thought and comment by Dr Whatarangi Winiata on Māori spirituality, social development, education and political affairs. Each chapter discusses the importance andimpact of Māori management of Māori matters and the ongoing pursuit of tino rangatiratanga in all areas of life. Dr Winiata has worked to achieve Māori development, wellbeing and attainment of aspirations over decades: driving the iwi development programme Whakatupuranga Rua Mano that led to the foundation of the first contemporary wānanga, Te Wānanga o Raukawa; being key in restructuring the working of Te Hāhi Mihingare; galvanising the New Zealand Māori Council to hold the Crown accountable over fisheries, forestry, languageand broadcasting; and co-founding the Māori Party with Dame Tariana Turia and Sir Pita Sharples. Thesepapers, curated by Dr Winiata and Daphne Luke, provide an analysis of recent Māori experience, pursuit ofself-determination and history of Aotearoa.

This collection brings together over forty years of thought and comment by Dr Whatarangi Winiata on Māori spirituality, social development, education and political affairs. Each chapter discusses the importance andimpact of Māori management of Māori matters and the ongoing pursuit of tino rangatiratanga in all areas of life. Dr Winiata has worked to achieve Māori development, wellbeing and attainment of aspirations over decades: driving the iwi development programme Whakatupuranga Rua Mano that led to the foundation of the first contemporary wānanga, Te Wānanga o Raukawa; being key in restructuring the working of Te Hāhi Mihingare; galvanising the New Zealand Māori Council to hold the Crown accountable over fisheries, forestry, languageand broadcasting; and co-founding the Māori Party with Dame Tariana Turia and Sir Pita Sharples. Thesepapers, curated by Dr Winiata and Daphne Luke, provide an analysis of recent Māori experience, pursuit ofself-determination and history of Aotearoa.

This collection brings together over forty years of thought and comment by Dr Whatarangi Winiata on Māori spirituality, social development, education and political affairs. Each chapter discusses the importance andimpact of Māori management of Māori matters and the ongoing pursuit of tino rangatiratanga in all areas of life. Dr Winiata has worked to achieve Māori development, wellbeing and attainment of aspirations over decades: driving the iwi development programme Whakatupuranga Rua Mano that led to the foundation of the first contemporary wānanga, Te Wānanga o Raukawa; being key in restructuring the working of Te Hāhi Mihingare; galvanising the New Zealand Māori Council to hold the Crown accountable over fisheries, forestry, languageand broadcasting; and co-founding the Māori Party with Dame Tariana Turia and Sir Pita Sharples. Thesepapers, curated by Dr Winiata and Daphne Luke, provide an analysis of recent Māori experience, pursuit ofself-determination and history of Aotearoa.

This collection brings together over forty years of thought and comment by Dr Whatarangi Winiata on Māori spirituality, social development, education and political affairs. Each chapter discusses the importance andimpact of Māori management of Māori matters and the ongoing pursuit of tino rangatiratanga in all areas of life. Dr Winiata has worked to achieve Māori development, wellbeing and attainment of aspirations over decades: driving the iwi development programme Whakatupuranga Rua Mano that led to the foundation of the first contemporary wānanga, Te Wānanga o Raukawa; being key in restructuring the working of Te Hāhi Mihingare; galvanising the New Zealand Māori Council to hold the Crown accountable over fisheries, forestry, languageand broadcasting; and co-founding the Māori Party with Dame Tariana Turia and Sir Pita Sharples. Thesepapers, curated by Dr Winiata and Daphne Luke, provide an analysis of recent Māori experience, pursuit ofself-determination and history of Aotearoa.

"This collection of essays by 22 contributors, experts in their fields, represents the accumulated knowledge of a group of Māori scholars on a variety of contemporary issues, including Māori identity and self-determination, the environment, te reo Māori, education, social and economic issues, and governance and leadership. The collection is a result of a series of seminars organised by the MANU AO Academy, which is a national inter-university Māori Academy for academic and professional advancement"--Publisher information.

The 6th of February is New Zealand's annual day of cultural performance par excellence. It is not a rememberance and reflection of what is undoubtedly this country's most important historical moment, but instead an enactment of contemporary understandings of the Treaty of Waitangi by both Māori and the Crown. Architecturally this performance is played out at, and between, Te Tii marae and the Treaty grounds at Waitangi. The partnership between Māori and the Crown is spatially expressed each year by symbolically important rituals being conducted and protocols observed at each specific site. People gather, welcomes occur, addresses are given, entertainment provided, bridges crossed, debates take place, demands are made, and protests held. The actions of the various parties are frequently beamed into households by the television networks and reported in the national newspapers, leading to a national construction of space that represents current perceptions of cultural and race relations. The 1980s saw a significant shift in the construction of Waitangi as space. Following the rise of the land rights movement in the 1960s and 1970s, Māori activists focussed their efforts on Waitangi and Waitangi Day more than ever before. The government responded by denying access to the Treaty grounds, then retreating from Waitangi celebrations, and then eventually returning by the end of the decade. Waitangi as space became a pawn in a political contest, and its place in the national psyche moved with each action and counter-action.